Home / News / Politics / Newly obtained moody annals strew light on Paul Manafort’s endless Russia ties

Newly obtained moody annals strew light on Paul Manafort’s endless Russia ties

Paul Manafort, former campaign manager for U.S. President Donald Trump arrives for a bond conference at U.S. District Court in Washington, U.S., Nov 6, 2017. REUTERS/Joshua Roberts
Manafort, former campaign manager for U.S. President Donald Trump
arrives for a bond conference at U.S. District Court in


  • Former Trump campaign authority Paul Manafort’s flight
    annals show that he trafficked to Moscow at slightest 18 times
    while advising the pro-Russian strongman Viktor
    Yanukovych, who after became Ukraine’s president.
  • Yanukovych fled to Russia in 2014, but Manafort
    continued advising Ukraine’s Opposition Bloc — a political
    party that is considered even closer to the Kremlin than
    Ukraine’s Party of Regions. 
  • Manafort’s spokesman, Jason Maloni,
    said Manafort’s trips to Russia were “related to his
    work on seductiveness of” the Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska’s
    “commercial interests.”

President Donald Trump’s former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort,
trafficked to Moscow at slightest 18 times between 2004-2011,
while he served as a top confidant to suspended Ukrainian
president Viktor Yanukovych and the pro-Russia Party of

The moody records, which were obtained by McClatchy
News from a supervision source in Kiev, advise that
Manafort’s consulting work and
business exchange were some-more closely linked to Russia
than he has let on.

Manafort visited Ukraine at slightest 138 times between
2004-2015, according to McClatchy. He trafficked to Moscow the
many between 2005-2006, but took additional trips there through

Yanukovych was suspended in 2014 amid
widespread protests over his last-minute decision to reject
a understanding that would have fostered stronger ties between Ukraine and
the European Union, and instead followed closer ties with

Yanukovych fled to Russia when the
protests escalated, but Manafort continued advising Ukraine’s
Opposition Bloc — a domestic party that is deliberate even more
pro-Russia than the Party of Regions. 

Manafort’s business dealings
with Russian and Ukrainian oligarchs have come under heated inspection by
special warn Robert Mueller as partial of his review into
intensity collusion
between the Trump campaign and Russia during the 2016 election.

Manafort’s trips to Russia are not the only ones that may be of
seductiveness to Mueller. He and his longtime Russian-Ukrainian
business associate Konstantin Kilimnik reportedly trafficked to
Frankfurt in Jul 2013 on a private craft owned by
Andrey Artemenko — a Ukrainian lawmaker who met with Trump’s
lawyer, Michael Cohen, and longtime Trump Organization
adviser Felix Sater in January to benefaction them with a
Russia-Ukraine “peace plan” that concerned easing

Paul Manafort

AP Photo/Andrew

A sovereign grand jury indicted Manafort
and his longtime business associate, Rick Gates, in October
on 12 counts, including income laundering, taxation fraud,
and failing to register as foreign agents. Federal
prosecutors said in a justice filing
that both men had perceived “millions of dollars” from
Ukrainian and Russian oligarchs that would concede them “to live
absolutely abroad” and therefore make them a moody risk.

Citing financial papers filed in Cyprus, The New York Times
reported in July
that Manafort was in debt to pro-Russian interests by as much as
$17 million by the time he assimilated Trump’s campaign group in March

Manafort also has poignant business ties to the Russian
billionaire Oleg Deripaska, who signed
a $10
million annual agreement with Manafort in
2006 for a lobbying plan in the US that Manafort pronounced would
“greatly advantage the Putin Government,” The Associated Press
reported in March.

Manafort’s orator Jason Maloni told
Business Insider that aeroplane annals “do not demonstrate
anything other than Mr. Manafort was in Moscow for his well-known
blurb work with Oleg Deripaska or was joining through
Moscow on his way to and from the US.”

In Jul 2016, Manafort offered 
private briefings
about the campaign to Deripaska in the hopes of solution a
years-long business brawl stemming from a unsuccessful business deal
the two followed in 2008 involving a Ukrainian TV company called
Black Sea Cable.

Legal complaints filed by Deripaska’s member in
the Cayman Islands in 2014 pronounced he gave Manafort $19 million to
deposit in the company, but the plan fell by and Manafort
all but left but profitable back Deripaska.

Deripaska’s member were “openly” accusing Manafort of
rascal and pledging to redeem the income from him as recently as
early 2016, according to the Associated Press. But they
reportedly corroborated off the accusations shortly after Manafort
assimilated the campaign in the spring.

‘How do we use to get whole?’

Oleg Deripaska


Shortly after being named a campaign strategist in
April, Manafort emailed his
longtime employee Konstantin Kilimnik, a
Russian-Ukrainian user with suspected ties to Russian

“I assume you have shown the friends my media coverage, right?”
Manafort reportedly wrote to Kilimnik.

“Absolutely,” replied Kilimnik. “Every article.”

“How do we use to get whole,” Manafort responded. “Has OVD
operation seen?”

Russia-linked entities dangled compromising information
about Clinton to the Trump campaign at least
twice after Manafort was enlisted to corral convention
representatives in Mar 2016.

The campaign’s position on Russia’s division in eastern
Ukraine did not seem
aligned with normal GOP orthodoxy, either: An
amendment to the GOP’s breeze policy on Ukraine,
which proposed that the GOP dedicate to promulgation “lethal
weapons” to the Ukrainian army to deflect off Russian aggression,
was ultimately softened to contend “provide appropriate
assistance” before it was enclosed in the party’s official
height in 2016. 

The Trump campaign also did not yield a minute to
the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America recognizing
Ukraine’s 25th year of autonomy after the tumble of the Soviet
Union, according to McClatchy. The Clinton campaign did.

A young campaign unfamiliar policy confidant named George
Papadopoulos was told in late
Apr that the Kremlin had “dirt” on Hillary Clinton in the
form of “thousands of emails,” according to justice papers filed
by Mueller and unblocked late last month. 

Papadopoulos asked Manafort in
an email on May 21, after training of the dirt, either he could
arrange a assembly between Trump and Russian
officials: Russia has been fervent to meet with Mr. Trump for
some time and have been reaching out to me to discuss,” he

Manafort forwarded that email to Gates, adding: “Let’s discuss.
We need someone to promulgate that DT is not doing these trips.
It should be someone low turn in the campaign so as not to send
any signal.”

A few weeks later, Manafort attended a meeting
at Trump Tower on the guarantee of receiving identical Clinton “dirt”
from a Kremlin-linked Russian lawyer. 

Manafort’s distinguished campaign role and story of operative with
Ukrainian and Russia-linked entities apparently spurred the FBI
to find a FISA (Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act) aver to
surveil him at least
twice between 2014-2016. 

Manafort quiescent as Trump’s campaign authority shortly after The
New York Times reported that the pro-Russia domestic party he
had worked for had earmarked him $12.7
million for his work between 2007 and 2012.
Ukrainian prosecutors have said they’ve found no
explanation of unlawful payments to Manafort, who has pronounced he never
collected the payments.

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